Post Script 4 - Notes on the life and goals of Vladim Dukov
Vladim Dukov as a political leader
US foreign policy analysts, journalists, and political commentators usually described Prime Minister Vladim Dukov as a cerebral and complex political figure, a leader whose motives for doing things were not always clear. He did not operate from any recognizable ideology, nor was he interested in any material gain from his position apart from taking his normal salary as Prime Minister. He seemed full of contradictions: a reformer leading a conservative party, a former revolutionary and defense attorney who drew his support from his country's oldest and most traditional institutions, a quiet man who was a ruthless negotiator.
The truth was that Dukov's ideology and goals for his country were extremely simple. Danubia's Prime Minister was fixated on the long-term survival of his country's society and the well-being of his constituents. He did not seek "greatness" for Upper Danubia, but rather the more realistic hope that it could be a decent place for its people to live and work. His policies pursued a sustainable society, one that could renew its resources and maintain a pleasant life for its people over a long period of time. He felt that preserving the values of his country was the reason the Creator had placed him in his position as the Danubian leader. He felt obligated to please the Creator by pursuing policies that would safeguard Danubian society.
The Prime Minister knew it was inevitable that modern life would force the destruction of much of his country's culture and traditions. "The Path of his Life" was to preserve as much as possible, to minimize the damage by having his nation adapt to an increasingly hostile and invasive world. The government would have to make sacrifices, in the same way King Vladik had to cede half of the Danubian Kingdom without a fight to save the other half. Dukov and his ministers looked at their nation's situation in the same way a homeowner facing the loss of a house would approach deciding what could be saved and what would have to be abandoned.
At the beginning of his time in office, other world leaders tended to underestimate Dukov. He rose to power not because he really wanted to, but because the "Old Guard" of the conservative party understood that he was the most competent person available to handle the job of leading the government. He became the leader of a small and very unsophisticated country. He had no prior experience as an elected official, nothing in his resumΓ© apart from 20 years working as a criminal defense attorney. However, precisely because of his professional background Dukov had a very broad understanding of politics and human nature. Throughout his life he was in constant contact with people from the entire social spectrum of his society, ranging from criminals and police officers to judges and provincial politicians. Of all the people who could have been selected as a candidate for Prime Minister, Dukov probably had more practical experience working with others and a deeper understanding of his fellow Danubians than anyone else. He was well-versed in the country's legal system, knew its history, and was accustomed to arguing and negotiating with judges and prosecutors in court on a daily basis. As anyone who challenged him soon learned, his past, his ability to form an opinion and defend it, and his broad knowledge of life in general made him a formidable opponent.
While in office Dukov always spoke the truth as he saw it, and expected everyone around him to speak the truth as well. He did not like to be surrounded by people who agreed with him just to please him, but instead by people who were experienced in their duties and could clearly express their opinions on policy matters. He was especially adamant that any bad news be reported to him immediately, so he could deal with problems right away. Everyone in Dukov's government liked him as a person, because he never raised his voice to a subordinate, not even to lower-level staff members. He expected to be saluted and spoken to with respect at all times, but also he was respectful to public employees, always calling them by their title before using their name. As for his personal popularity, the only concern he had was whether he and his cabinet were popular enough to do their job competently.
While in office Dukov never forgot where he came from, and continued to live a rather ordinary personal life. He drew his paycheck and lived off that income, but never sought to use his position for any financial gain apart from his regular salary and anticipated retirement. He lived in the Prime Minister's residence out of convenience, but planned to go back to his own house as soon as he left office. In Vladim Dukov's life there was very little pomp and ceremony, apart from what was required by national traditions. He was not a person to waste public resources on himself, and was perfectly content to ride around in a normal police van if he needed to go anywhere in Danube City. He relied on ordinary officers of the National Police for protection. The Danubian Prime Minister would have been horrified at the expense and hassle associated with transporting the U.S. President and his entourage.
Vladim Dukov's sentence
Vladim and Maritza Ortskt-Dukovna grew up in the 1970's, a period of political instability in Upper Danubia. The generation who had run the country since 1945 was retiring or dying off and at that time many young people were hoping to change the country's society and political direction. The most important political movement challenging the established leaders was the Danubian Revolutionary Front, of which Vladim and Maritza were members.
The DRF envisioned a socialist regime and a flat rejection of foreign capitalism. The party also envisioned a social revolution and close ties to the Soviet Union, which ultimately led to its downfall. The Grand Duke finally ordered the Danubian Secret Police to dissolve the DRF and arrest its leaders in 1973, using its ties to the Soviet Union to justify his actions. All DRF members who had traveled to the Soviet Union were detained and faced charges of insurrection.
In 1973, Vladim Dukov and Maritza Ortskt, both of whom were DRF youth organizers and had Soviet visa stamps in the passports, received five-year sentences and were subjected to judicial switchings every four months. Life soon became even harder for the couple because Maritza's parents blamed Vladim for getting her in trouble. Because they were not yet married, her parents denied him permission to sit at their table. To ensure she was not able to see him, Maritza's parents moved her to Rika Chorna and requested that her custody be transferred to a Spokesman in that city.